How does the history of conflict between Japan and Russia affect relations today? How has the Russian invasion of Ukraine impacted their relationship? And what strategic challenges does the China-Russia relationship present for Japan and the Indo-Pacific? In this episode of the National Security Podcast, Professor Akihiro Iwashita – an expert in Russian foreign policy towards China and Japan – joins Professor Rory Medcalf in conversation. They discuss Japan’s relationship with China and Russia and broader strategic challenges in the Indo-Pacific. Listen here: https://bit.ly/3UE1q2n

Akihiro Iwashita is a Professor at the Slavic-Eurasian Research Center at Hokkaido University.

Professor Rory Medcalf AM is Head of ANU National Security College. His professional experience spans more than three decades across diplomacy, intelligence analysis, think tanks, journalism and academia.

We’d love to hear from you! Send in your questions, comments, and suggestions to NatSecPod@anu.edu.au. You can tweet us @NSC_ANU and be sure to subscribe so you don’t miss out on future episodes. The National Security Podcast is available on Acast, Apple Podcasts, Spotify, and wherever you get your podcasts.

The post National Security Podcast: Russia, China and the Indo-Pacific appeared first on Policy Forum.

In this episode of the National Security Podcast, Professor the Hon Gareth Evans – a longstanding and influential voice in Australian foreign and public policy – joins Professor Rory Medcalf in conversation. They discuss navigating the Australia-China and Australia-US relationships in an era of strategic competition, strengthening relations with Australia’s Indo-Pacific neighbours, the country’s credibility as a good international citizen, and the importance of diplomacy. Listen here: https://bit.ly/3FmtS4L

The Hon Gareth Evans AC KC FASSA FAIIA is a Distinguished Honorary Professor at The Australian National University (ANU), where he was Chancellor from 2010–19. He was a Cabinet Minister in the Hawke and Keating Labor Governments from 1983–96, in the posts of Attorney General, Minister for Resources and Energy, Minister for Transport and Communications and –from 1988–96 – Foreign Minister.

Professor Rory Medcalf AM is Head of ANU National Security College. His professional experience spans more than three decades across diplomacy, intelligence analysis, think tanks, journalism and academia.

We’d love to hear from you! Send in your questions, comments, and suggestions to NatSecPod@anu.edu.au. You can tweet us @NSC_ANU and be sure to subscribe so you don’t miss out on future episodes. The National Security Podcast is available on Acast, Apple Podcasts, Spotify, and wherever you get your podcasts.

The post National Security Podcast: Australia’s new geopolitical outlook appeared first on Policy Forum.

Has the new federal government changed the way Australia does diplomacy? Will progress in reconciling internal divisions over race and gender change how Australia is perceived, and how the country carries itself, on the international stage? And after a comprehensive loss in the Victorian state election, is the Liberal Party suffering an identity crisis? On this episode of Democracy Sausage, Head of the International and Security Affairs program at The Australia Institute Allan Behm joins Professor Mark Kenny to discuss Australia’s diplomacy in Asia and the Pacific and the results of Victoria’s state election. Listen here: http://bit.ly/3u4ZxRL

Allan Behm is Head of the International and Security Affairs program at The Australia Institute. He spent 30 years in the Australian Public Service, was Chief of Staff to Minister for Climate Change and Industry Greg Combet, and Senior Advisor to the Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs Senator Penny Wong.

Mark Kenny is a Professor at ANU Australian Studies Institute. He came to the university after a high-profile journalistic career including six years as chief political correspondent and national affairs editor for The Sydney Morning Herald, The Age, and The Canberra Times.

Show notes | The following were mentioned during this episode:

‘Sean Turnell speaks to 7.30 on how he coped in Myanmar prisons’, 7.30, Australian Broadcasting Corporation

Democracy Sausage with Mark Kenny is available on Acast, Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Google Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. We’d love to hear your feedback for this podcast series! Send in your questions, comments, or suggestions for future episodes to podcast@policyforum.net. You can also Tweet us @APPSPolicyForum or join us on the Facebook group.

This podcast is produced in partnership with The Australian National University.

The post Democracy Sausage: Putting down the megaphone appeared first on Policy Forum.

The recent climate talks in Egypt have left us with a sobering reality: the window for maintaining global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius is closing fast and what is on the table currently is insufficient to avert some of the worst potential effects of climate change. The nationally determined contribution targets of Asian and Pacific countries will result in a 16 per cent increase in greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 from 2010 levels.

The Sharm el-Sheikh Implementation Plan and the package of decisions taken at COP27 are a reaffirmation of actions that could deliver the net-zero resilient world our countries aspire to. The historic decision to establish a loss and damage fund is an important step towards climate justice and building trust among countries.

But they are not enough to help us arrive at a better future without, what the United Nations Secretary-General calls, a “giant leap on climate ambition”. Carbon neutrality needs to at the heart of national development strategies and reflected in public and private investment decisions. And it needs to cascade down to the sustainable pathways in each sector of the economy.

At the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP), we are working with regional and national stakeholders on these transformational pathways. Moving away from the brown economy is imperative, not only because emissions are rising but also because dependence on fossil fuels has left economies struggling with price volatility and energy insecurity.

More on this: Indonesian nationalism and the Ashmore Reef debate

A clear road map is the needed springboard for an inclusive and just energy transition. We have been working with countries to develop scenarios for such a shift through national roadmaps, demonstrating that a different energy future is possible and viable with the political will and sincere commitment to action of the public and private sectors.

The changeover to renewables also requires concurrent improvements in grid infrastructure, especially cross-border grids. The Regional Road Map on Power System Connectivity provides us the platform to work with member states toward an interconnected grid, including through the development of the necessary regulatory frameworks for to integrate power systems and mobilise investments in grid infrastructure. The future of energy security will be determined by the ability to develop green grids and trade renewable-generated electricity across our borders.

The move to net-zero carbon will not be complete without greening the transport sector. In Asia and the Pacific, transport is primarily powered by fossil fuels and, as a result, accounted for 24 per cent of total carbon emissions by 2018.

Energy efficiency improvements and using more electric vehicles are the most effective measures to reduce carbon emissions by as much as 60 per cent in 2050 compared to 2005 levels. The Regional Action Programme for Sustainable Transport Development allows us to work with countries to implement and cooperate on priorities for low-carbon transport, including electric mobility.

Our work with the Framework Agreement on Facilitation of Cross-border Paperless Trade also is helping to make commerce more efficient and climate-smart, a critical element for the transition in the energy and transport sectors.

Even with mitigation measures in place, our economy and people will not be safe without a holistic risk management system. And it needs to be one that prevents communities from being blindsided by cascading climate disasters.

More on this: What can we expect at COP27?

We are working with partners to deepen the understanding of such cascading risks and to help develop preparedness strategies for this new reality, such as the implementation of the ASEAN Regional Plan of Action for Adaptation to Drought.

Finance and investment are uniquely placed to propel the transitions needed. The past five years have seen thematic bonds in our region grow tenfold. Private finance is slowly aligning with climate needs.

The new loss and damage fund and its operation present new hopes for financing the most vulnerable. However, climate finance is not happening at the speed and scale needed, and it needs to be accessible to developing economies in times of need.

Innovative financing instruments need to be developed and scaled up, from debt-for-climate swaps to Sustainable Development Goal bonds, some of which ESCAP is helping to develop in the Pacific and in Cambodia. Growing momentum in the business sector will need to be sustained. The Asia-Pacific Green Deal for Business by the ESCAP Sustainable Business Network (ESBN) is important progress. We are also working with the High-level Climate Champions to bring climate-aligned investment opportunities closer to private financiers.

Climate actions in Asia and the Pacific matter for global success and wellbeing. The past two years have been a grim reminder that conflicts in one continent create hunger in another, and that emissions somewhere push sea levels higher everywhere. Never has our prosperity been more dependent on collective actions and cooperation.

Our countries are taking note. Member states meeting at the seventh session of the Committee on Environment and Development, which opens on 29 November, are seeking consensus on the regional cooperation needed and priorities for climate action such as oceans, ecosystems, and air pollution. We hope that the momentum begun at COP27 and the Committee will be continued at the 79th session of the Commission as it will hone in on the accelerators for climate action.

In this era of heightened risks and shared prosperity, only regional, multilateral solidarity and genuine ambition that match with the new climate reality unfolding around us – along with bold climate action – are the only way to secure a future in which the countries of Asia and the Pacific can prosper.

The post Can Asia and the Pacific get on track to net zero? appeared first on Policy Forum.

The head of the Australian intelligence agency tasked with collecting human intelligence from around the world is preparing to retire. In a rare appearance, Major General Paul Symon AO (Retd) joins Professor Rory Medcalf AM in conversation. They discuss the increasing need for transparency from intelligence agencies, the evolving mission and capability needs of the Australian Secret Intelligence Service (ASIS), Australia’s complex strategic circumstances, and whether the nation is adequately prepared in the event of a conflict. Listen here: https://bit.ly/3DxJIaz

Major General Paul Symon AO (Retd) is the Director-General of ASIS. Before leading the organisation, he had a highly successful military career, spanning 35 years and culminating in the rank of Major General.

Professor Rory Medcalf is Head of ANU National Security College. His professional experience spans more than two decades across diplomacy, intelligence analysis, think tanks, and journalism.

We’d love to hear from you! Send in your questions, comments, and suggestions to NatSecPod@anu.edu.au. You can tweet us @NSC_ANU and be sure to subscribe so you don’t miss out on future episodes. The National Security Podcast is available on Acast, Apple Podcasts, Spotify, and wherever you get your podcasts.

The post National Security Podcast: ASIS Director-General Paul Symon AO in conversation appeared first on Policy Forum.

The success or failure of emissions reduction efforts in developing countries will determine the world’s ability to address global climate change – roughly 85 per cent of the world’s population live in developing countries, and they contribute 63 per cent of the world’s carbon emissions.

However, achieving emissions mitigation in developing countries is challenging. Given their growth trajectory, these countries’ demand for energy – and in turn, emissions – will continue to increase. The transition these economies will need to undergo to lower their emissions, even as their energy demand soars, will involve solving com­plex problems that are often beyond their capacity.

Our new study provides insights into challenges of environmental protection in developing countries, using Vietnam as a case study.

The study assesses Vietnam’s situation, and shows that balancing environmental protection with economic development in developing countries is easier said than done.

It reveals that while there is a consensus that environmental protec­tion is important, when it comes to how governments actually manage the trade-off between environmental protection and economic development, views diverge.

More on this: Harnessing offshore wind for green growth in Vietnam

For example, people often support measures to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and improve local air quality, such as halting the construction of new coal power plants. On the other hand, proposals that mention increased energy prices associated with measures can face resistance.

Nothing comes for free, especially for countries with fewer resources, and energy transition is no exception – although it is worth it.

The transformation of the global economy to achieve net zero emissions by 2050 will require an addition of about $3.5 trillion in annual average spending on physical assets.

In Vietnam’s case, meeting a net zero emissions target by 2050 will cost the country around $368 billion between 2022 and 2040, or about 6.8 per cent of its GDP annually.

This is before opportunity costs – or the price of missing out on what these resources could have been used for if they weren’t tied up in transition. For example, the foregone benefits of having resources allocated to other infrastructure, like building hospitals and schools or upgrading transport systems, stack up over time.

More on this: Carbon pricing insights from Vietnam

Dilemmas over how to allocate limited resources to competing priorities like these are not easy to handle, especially in developing countries where these resources are less abundant.

Of course, energy transition will ultimately generate social benefits in many cases. However, these benefits are often less tangible than the costs – and therefore difficult to justify to the public.

That said, if governments stress how emissions reduction policies will develop the country’s domestic economic fortunes, they seem to gain more political support. Underlining the community health benefits may also help their popularity.

Given this, activists and politicians should focus on the ways that emissions reduction can lower human health costs and save money by preventing local pollution, among its other socioeconomic benefits. This may better con­vince the public, and eventually governments, to allocate more resources to emissions mitigation.

As well as arguing for the importance of minimising the damage caused by climate change, they must make the case to their governments to build up their renewable energy industries to help them save on energy costs in the long term.

Outside of developing countries, international support will also be vital in speeding up their emission reductions efforts. They need developed countries to provide more technical and financial support – if they have that, developing countries can better contribute to addressing global climate change.

Ultimately, the clock is ticking, and emissions reduction targets are unlikely to be met without the strong cooperation of developing countries. While this will carry a cost, policymakers both within and from outside the developing world must make the case for a rapid transition as compelling as possible, and secure the resources these countries need to execute it.

The post Why there is no such thing as a painless transition appeared first on Policy Forum.

In this episode of the National Security Podcast, Dr C Raja Mohan, a longstanding and highly-repsected analyst, joins Professor Rory Medcalf to discuss India’s strategic direction. They discuss the future of India, its evolving relationship with the United States, China, Russia and Australia, and a South-Asian view of AUKUS. Dr Mohan’s visit to Australia has been made possible by the Asia Society Australia. Listen here: https://bit.ly/3SeQozx

Dr C Raja Mohan is a Senior Fellow with the Asia Society Policy Institute in Delhi. He is a Visiting Research Professor at the Institute of South Asian Studies (ISAS), National University of Singapore.

Professor Rory Medcalf is Head of ANU National Security College. His professional experience spans more than two decades across diplomacy, intelligence analysis, think tanks, and journalism.

We’d love to hear from you! Send in your questions, comments, and suggestions to NatSecPod@anu.edu.au. You can tweet us @NSC_ANU and be sure to subscribe so you don’t miss out on future episodes. The National Security Podcast is available on Acast, Apple Podcasts, Spotify, and wherever you get your podcasts.

The post National Security Podcast: India’s strategic direction appeared first on Policy Forum.

In 2012, the Asia-Pacific region came together and designed the world’s first set of disability-specific development goals: the Incheon Strategy to “Make the Right Real” for Persons with Disabilities in Asia and the Pacific. This week, they meet again to assess how governments have delivered on their commitments, to secure those gains and develop the innovative solutions needed to achieve fully inclusive societies.

Ministers, government officials, persons with disabilities, civil society and private sector allies from across Asia and the Pacific will gather from 19 to 21 October in Jakarta to mark a new era for 700 million persons with disabilities and proclaim a fourth Asian and Pacific Decade of Persons with Disabilities.

Our region is unique, having already declared three decades to protect and uphold the rights of persons with disabilities; 44 Asian and Pacific governments have ratified the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities; and we celebrate achievements in the development of disability laws, policies, strategies, and programmes.

Today, the Asia-Pacific has more parliamentarians and policymakers with disabilities. Their everyday business is national decision-making. They also monitor policy implementation. We find them active across the Asia-Pacific region: Australia, Bangladesh, China, Japan, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, the Marshall Islands, the Republic of Korea, Singapore, Thailand, and Türkiye.

They have promoted inclusive public procurement to support disability-inclusive businesses and accessible facilities, advanced sign language interpretation in media programmes and parliamentary sessions, focused policy attention on overlooked groups, and directed numerous policy initiatives towards inclusion.

Less visible but no less important are local-level elected politicians with disabilities in India, Japan and the Republic of Korea. Indonesia witnessed 42 candidates with disabilities standing in the last election. Grassroots disability organisations have emerged as rapid responders to emerging issues such as COVID-19 and other crises.

More on this: Disability in Indonesia – from charity to human rights

Organisations of and for persons with disabilities in Bangladesh have distinguished themselves in disability-inclusive COVID-19 responses, and created programmes to support persons with psychosocial disabilities and autism.

The past decade saw the emergence of private sector leadership in disability-inclusive business. Wipro, headquartered in India, pioneers disability inclusion in its multinational growth strategy. This is a pillar of Wipro’s diversity and inclusion initiatives. Employees with disabilities are at the core of designing and delivering Wipro digital services.

Yet, there is always more unfinished business to address.

Even though we applaud the increasing participation of persons with disabilities in policymaking, there are still only eight persons with disabilities for every 1,000 parliamentarians in the region.

On the right to work, three in four persons with disabilities are not employed, while seven in 10 persons with disabilities do not have any form of social protection.

More on this: Podcast: Preventing violence against women and girls with disabilities

This sobering picture points to the need for disability-specific and disability-inclusive policies and their sustained implementation in partnership with women and men with disabilities.

One of the first steps to inclusion is recognising the rights of persons with disabilities. This model focuses on the person and their dignity, aspirations, individuality and value as a human being. As such, government offices, banks and public transportation and spaces must be made accessible for persons with diverse disabilities.

To this end, governments in the region have conducted accessibility audits of government buildings and public transportation stations. Partnerships with the private sector have led to reasonable accommodations at work, promoting employment in a variety of sectors.

Despite the thrust of the Incheon Strategy on data collection and analysis, persons with disabilities still are often left out of official data because the questions that allow for disaggregation are excluded from surveys and accommodations are not made to ensure their participation.

This reflects a continued lack of policy priority and budgetary allocations. To create evidence-based policies, we need reliable and comparable data disaggregated by disability status, sex, and geographic location.

There is hope in the technology leap to 5G in the Asia-Pacific region. The implications for the empowerment of persons are limitless: from digital access, e-health care and assistive devices at affordable prices to remote learning and working, and exercising the right to vote. This is a critical moment to ensure disability-inclusive digitalisation.

We live in a world of volatile change. A disability-inclusive approach to shape this world would benefit everyone, particularly in a rapidly ageing Asia-Pacific region where everyone’s contributions will matter.

As we stand on the precipice of a fourth Asian and Pacific Decade of Persons with Disabilities, it remains our duty to insist on a paradigm shift to celebrate diversity and disability inclusion. When we dismantle barriers and persons with disabilities surge ahead, everyone benefits.

The post Persons with disabilities are integral players in determining innovative solutions to fully inclusive societies appeared first on Policy Forum.

China’s energy companies are all aboard the global clean power bullet train.

According to China’s National Energy Administration’s national power industry statistics, Chinese power generators installed 37.7 gigawatts (GW) of solar capacity from January to July 2022, up 110 per cent per cent from a year earlier.

This installation, over a period of only seven months, is roughly equivalent to India’s total solar build-up since the mid-2010s and total generation capacity in New South Wales and Queensland combined in 2021-22. By the end of the decade, China is aiming to bring total wind and solar capacity to 1200 GW, a massive increase from the 635 GW it recorded at the end of last year.

But this dramatic expansion of clean power generation is still not even close to enough change to power the world’s second-largest economy and its largest manufacturing industry. And if China goes before it is ready, its energy security will be in even more danger.

Since mid-July, some Chinese provincial governments have enforced power rationing across various manufacturing hubs along the Yangtze River. Sichuan province, a net power exporter on the upper reaches of the river, has been the worst affected. Provinces mostly focused their efforts on industrial users, but in some cases were forced to compel homes, office buildings, and shopping malls to cut usage too.

The immediate cause is extreme weather – the region is experiencing its worst heatwave in more than half a century, sending demand soaring.

More on this: Gendering just transition

Meanwhile, in Chongqing, a megacity in Sichuan, rainfall has been 60 per cent less than the seasonal norm and 66 rivers spread across 34 counties have dried up, according to state media.

This has massively reduced the hydropower supply Sichuan relies on. At the peak of the drought, Sichuan’s hydropower fell to 440 million kilowatt hours, less than half of its normal level.

Other cities and regions are affected too, because Sichuan typically exports about a third of its hydropower to other provinces, and is still doing so.

Yet, diverting this power back to locals is not an option. Much of these exports go through dedicated network facilities with limited connectivity to local grids and are backed by fixed long-term supply contracts.

Sichuan’s struggles are a great example of a much deeper crisis of inflexibility in an era of transition. The availability of renewable energy is heavily linked to the availability of sunlight, the speed of wind, and water. To balance it out flexibly requires sufficient storage and network infrastructure.

China, like many other countries, doesn’t have this infrastructure in place yet. After all, when China’s power system was developed, it wasn’t designed to handle huge variations in renewable energy. While China is not alone in this struggle, it is handling a transition of far greater scale than other countries.

More on this: India’s road to a sustainable energy future

As it accelerates its clean power transition, China needs to heavily invest in its power system, especially in storage and its network. This will help it respond to abrupt changes in renewable energy, especially under long-lasting, extreme weather conditions.

Of course, this is not an easy task.

China will need to invest in battery storage and pumped hydropower, and smarter and more flexible grid technology. It must reform electricity markets to enable more flexible use of existing supply. And it will have to promote emerging technologies like hydrogen and thermal energy storage to help plug gaps in electricity generation.

Demoting China’s large coal-fired power station fleet to playing the supportive role of responsive back-up capacity, while clean energy provides the core of supply, is one attractive short-term solution.

However, China’s energy planners should look to the long-term. If they focus on attaining the country’s climate obligations – including achieving net zero emissions before 2060 – then China would only need to use coal-fired power as a last resort throughout its transition.

China’s recurring power crises highlight its need to rebuild its power system around clean energy. It must find a balance between its current energy security and its goal of achieving a clean energy future as soon as possible.

To do this, the country needs a long-term plan that not only invests in clean power generation, but also steps up investment in storage, transmission, and grid flexibility. This will do more for its transition than any generation target and stabilise its energy security in the process.

As China embarks on its truly massive energy transition journey, its leaders must remember that keeping the ship steady is just as important as seeing how fast it can go.

The post Executing China’s ‘Transition: Impossible’ appeared first on Policy Forum.

What role do universities play in our contemporary, globalised world? How can universities advance equity and diversity among students and staff? And how can we create a more sustainable and equitable higher education system for the whole university community? Dean of the College of Asia and the Pacific at The Australian National University Professor Helen Sullivan and Incoming School Director of Crawford School of Public Policy Professor Janine O’Flynn join Professor Sharon Bessell and Dr Arnagretta Hunter to reimagine the future of Australian universities. Listen here: https://bit.ly/3yDiWvA

Helen Sullivan is Dean of the ANU College of Asia and the Pacific. She has published widely on public policy, and public governance.

Janine O’Flynn is Director of Education, Melbourne School of Government, on secondment at The Australia and New Zealand School of Government (ANZSOG). In 2023, she will commence as School Director at ANU Crawford School of Public Policy.

Arnagretta Hunter is the Human Futures Fellow at ANU College of Health and Medicine, a cardiologist, physician, and a Senior Clinical Lecturer at ANU Medical School.

Sharon Bessell is Professor of Public Policy and Director of both the Children’s Policy Centre and the Poverty and Inequality Research Centre at ANU Crawford School of Public Policy.

Show notes | The following were mentioned during this episode:

Feed Wonder, Helen Sullivan (2021).

Policy Forum Pod is available on Acast, Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Stitcher, Subscribe on Android or wherever you get your podcasts. We’d love to hear your feedback for this podcast series! Send in your questions, comments, or suggestions for future episodes to podcast@policyforum.net. You can also Tweet us @APPSPolicyForum or join us on the Facebook group.

The post Podcast: Reimagining the future of higher education appeared first on Policy Forum.